MAY/JUNE 2006
FEATURE |
|
|
PTSD
AGAIN IN THE
EYE OF THE STORM
|
|
BY BARBARA DREYFUSS |
Even while the military’s own
studies are showing that one-third of Iraqi War veterans are
seeking mental health services during their first year home, the
legitimacy of veterans’ claims that they suffer from
Post-traumatic Stress Disorder is under the gun. Questions are
being raised in Congress, at the Department of Veterans Affairs,
and by a small number of vocal academics, whose views are not
shared by most PTSD experts, about whether there even is such a
thing as PTSD and if there is, whether those claiming to suffer
from it actually do.
“There are some folks out there who
say we see a lot of guys claiming to be ill and they are doing it
just to get benefits,” says Jeff Schrade, a spokesman for the
Senate Veterans’ Affairs Committee. Congress is hearing this from
“within the VA,” he said, and this is prompting interest from
committee chair Sen. Larry E. Craig (R-Idaho) about how PTSD is
diagnosed and treated. “There’s a vocal group of folks who are
quite adamant about this issue and think it’s a waste of money,”
Schrade adds.
Why, more than a quarter century
after PTSD was officially recognized and defined by the
psychiatric community, is it being called into question? One key
reason is that Washington policymakers face a budget crisis and
the cost of treating and paying disability compensation to
veterans with PTSD is high and is likely to get higher, given the
increasing numbers of newer veterans seeking mental health
services.
VA officials and Congress are
“concerned about money,” says Dr. Sally Satel, one of the most
vocal PTSD skeptics. But, said Satel, they “can’t say it too
loudly.” Instead, officials rely on people like Satel, a former VA
psychiatrist who is now a resident scholar at the conservative
American Enterprise Institute, to wage a campaign to discredit
PTSD as a diagnosis and portray veterans who suffer from it as
looking for easy disability benefits that provide an incentive for
staying sick rather than getting well. The implication is sick
veterans are welfare cheats.
Since the invasion of Iraq, Satel
has written several newspaper articles questioning PTSD and those
who are diagnosed with it; has been skeptical about the generally
well-regarded Vietnam Veterans Readjustment Study; has testified
before the House Veterans’ Affairs Committee about PTSD; and has
organized a recent seminar, “Soldiers, Psyche, and the Department
of Veterans Affairs: What Are the Lessons of Vietnam?”, at the
American Enterprise Institute with speakers partial to her views.
The announcement for the event spoke of how care provided by the
VA “played a role in many veterans becoming chronic psychiatric
patients,” regressive treatment “involving the incessant retelling
of war stories with insufficient emphasis on practical
problem-solving,” and how “generous Veterans Affairs entitlements
for chronic PTSD may have created financial incentives for
veterans to claim psychological disorders and reduced the
motivation to recover.”
Faced with enormous budget
deficits, Republican chairs of the House and Senate Veterans’
Affairs Committees are raising concerns about hikes in disability
spending. Sen. Craig called the jump in disability payments
“stunning increases that are going to require a reality check from
Congress.” PTSD sufferers make up one-fifth of all veterans
receiving compensation. While no one denies that a veteran missing
legs or arms has a disability, PTSD is less visible and easier to
question.
There is also concern that the
number of veterans with PTSD who receive disability compensation
is growing faster than other disability cases. In 1999, about
122,000 veterans received disability compensation for PTSD and
over 90,000 were veterans of the Vietnam period. By late 2004,
over 161,000 veterans of the Vietnam period were getting
disability compensation for PTSD, and the total number of veterans
being compensated for PTSD was nearly 218,000. From 1999 to 2004,
there was an 80 percent jump in the number of veterans being paid
benefits for PTSD, while overall veterans receiving disability
grew 12 percent. Vietnam veterans constituted most of the 80
percent jump. At the same time, according to a report last year by
the VA Inspector General, PTSD disability payments rose from $1.7
billion to $4.3 billion. Veterans receiving disability
compensation for PTSD are becoming increasingly expensive and most
of them are veterans of the Vietnam era. Efforts to control the
cost of PTSD would affect not only Vietnam veterans, but also the
newer veterans of Iraq and Afghanistan who are starting to apply
for VA benefits. Some of them are the sons and daughters of
Vietnam veterans.
Budget issues are not the only
thing driving this debate, claim former VA officials. There is
concern that military recruitment efforts could be significantly
hindered if people see the psychological toll of combat. Some are
worried “about the publicity the psychological effects of the war
is getting,” says Dr. Susan Mather, a former top VA official who
retired in January as its chief public health officer. “They
already have a recruitment problem . . . the parents of these
youth, if they think their children will come back from the
military experience changed forever—which they undoubtedly will
be; not only changed but disabled by the experience, mentally as
well as physically—they are going to be a lot less anxious to have
these kids join up. And there’s a feeling that if this gets too
much publicity and appears to be too widespread, it will hurt
recruitment.”
Given the dozens of news articles
that have appeared about combat veterans from Iraq or Afghanistan
who have reported mental health problems or symptoms of PTSD since
their return, the concern about publicity is understandable. One
recent example is the news that the young, grim, battle-weary,
helmeted Marine photographed in Fallujah in 2004, with a cigarette
dangling from his lips, who instantly became known as “Marlboro
Man” when the famous photo flashed around the world, now has PTSD
and is no longer a Marine.
While budget costs and recruitment
are key concerns driving the new debate, recent changes in the
VA’s culture have made the agency more receptive to skepticism
about PTSD. In the past, VA headquarters was staffed in large part
by civilians who had spent years in the field working with
veterans and seeing first-hand the psychological toll of war. They
were sympathetic to veterans suffering from PTSD. But the high
cost of living in Washington and the heated political atmosphere
now pervading the agency have made it difficult to bring in people
from regional VA centers, say VA insiders. Instead, VA ranks are
increasingly filled by retired military.
Some of these ex-military personnel
are uncomfortable with mental illness and question whether it is
as real as physical disability. Their view, say other VA
officials, is that troubled veterans need to “suck it up” and deal
with their psychological problems. As in a war zone, they just
need to get back on the line. Steeped in this mentality, they are
easily swayed by arguments that many receiving PTSD benefits are
faking it or not admitting they are getting better for fear of
losing their payments. Indeed, some VA officials believe some
veterans “are lying” about PTSD, Matt Friedman, executive director
of the National Center on PTSD, told a public meeting in February.
With many officials skeptical about
the diagnosis and concerned about budget and recruitment issues,
VA last year used a government report questioning how PTSD is
diagnosed as an excuse to announce it would review all PTSD cases
granted 100 percent disability since 1999. The VA was responding
to an Inspector General’s report that had found 25 percent of PTSD
claims reviewed did not have adequate proof the veteran was
actually exposed to significant stress, a precondition for PTSD
diagnosis. After veterans’ groups, including VVA, protested that
this was just an excuse to cut benefits, as well as action by
members of Congress, the VA backed off. In November came the
announcement that the VA wouldn’t audit claims. VA said that
rather than showing evidence veterans committed fraud, the lack of
data underscored problems in how staff review claims.
These events could have led the VA
to focus on improving the consistency of claims processing by
hiring more staff or initiating better training programs. Instead,
a few days after ending the audit, the VA began a total
reassessment of PTSD, including how it is defined, diagnosed, and
compensated.
Former VA officials and staffers on
Capitol Hill believe this review was initiated to support changing
the definition of PTSD, with the aim of decreasing the number of
people diagnosed with it. They also see it as part of an effort to
change the benefits structure in order to reduce compensation.
To give the imprimatur of
objectivity to this, the VA asked the Institute of Medicine (IOM),
an independent group of prominent medical experts, to do the work
and provided a $1.3 million contract for the study. IOM was asked
to assess the criteria for diagnosing PTSD, determine the validity
of screening procedures, and judge the efficacy of current
treatment. The report is expected in June. A second study, due in
December, will recommend proposals for structuring compensation.
The emphasis is not better
treatment, says former VA official Mather, but disability
payments. “I don’t think the IOM is going to come up with better
treatment programs,” she said. Rather, the creators of the review
hope they will redefine PTSD to narrow its scope, which would be a
more politically acceptable way to cut spending. “I think those
folks who are interested in how much it’s costing would like to
find a way to define it differently because they don’t want to
appear hard-hearted,” said Mather.
“This is happening in a context
where the Secretary and the Veterans Disability Benefits
Commission are looking at compensation for all health conditions,
including for PTSD,” admits Dr. Toni Zeiss, VA’s deputy chief of
mental health services.
Ron Aument, deputy undersecretary
for benefits at the VA, denies that the VA wants to reduce
benefits but admits “there is concern that the number of veterans
with PTSD has grown so quickly.” He says that congressmen
responsible for veterans’ affairs have raised questions about the
consistency and accuracy of VA’s determination of benefits.
The VA could have asked its
internal PTSD experts to do this assessment. Its National Center
for PTSD is one of the premier authorities on PTSD. The VA also
has a Special Committee on PTSD composed of VA physicians who are
PTSD experts.
But both are replete with people
who have spent years working with PTSD veterans and firmly believe
it is a real disorder that should be compensated. “PTSD has proven
to be a very useful and valid diagnosis after 25 years,” Mathew
Friedman, the National Center for PTSD’s executive director, told
the IOM committee at its first public meeting.
When asked why the National Center
couldn’t have performed the IOM analysis, AEI’s Sally Satel said
derisively, “They have a vested interest” in it. “They are the
experts,” agreed Mather, referring to the National Center, but “I
think there is sometimes a feeling that the Center is also an
advocate for PTSD.” As advocates, they would not be likely to go
along with those who want to reduce the number of people getting
compensated for PTSD by changing the criteria for its diagnosis.
A recent study illustrated how the
psychological toll of the war in Iraq can change depending on how
PTSD is defined. The study, in The New England Journal of
Medicine, reported as few as 12 percent or as many as 20
percent of returning Iraqi war veterans had PTSD, depending on how
the screen for PTSD is used.
For 26 years, mental health
practitioners and researchers and many state and federal programs,
including the VA, have relied on the American Psychiatric
Association to define and diagnose PTSD. The APA publishes its
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual, which has explicit criteria
defining PTSD, is used throughout the medical profession, and is
incorporated into 650 state and federal regulations. APA is now
revising its 1994 edition. Although it won’t be ready until 2011,
the APA has already convened an international research conference
to assess existing scientific knowledge and to suggest further
research. But VA’s Zeiss says the department cannot wait for APA
to complete its work.
This has raised concerns at APA.
“My concern is that they not attempt to establish their own
diagnostic criteria for PTSD,” said Darrel Regier, the APA’s
director of research. Regier said that would be interpreted as
“the VA is doing this to alter the prevalence rates and the
liability rates they have with PTSD.” There is, he warns, “a
history in psychiatry of political misuse of diagnosis.”
In addition to defining PTSD, IOM
was asked to look at how compensation relates to diagnosis, how
long payments should last, and what evidence should be used to
prove disability. During the IOM’s first public meeting on the
PTSD study, AEI’s Satel raised a number of questions about PTSD
compensation. So did Harvard professor Richard McNally, a
psychologist, whose recent book, Remembering Trauma,
applied clinical research findings on memory to the debate about
repressed memories of childhood sexual abuse, and received a
glowing review from Satel, who expanded the review with a
discussion of PTSD.
First, Satel and McNally raised the
specter of fraud and questioned current rules allowing VA claims
raters to accept a veteran’s testimony as proof that he
experienced a traumatic event that caused his disability. Satel
was most blunt, charging, “That’s life: People cheat.”
Second, both claim that cases of
delayed onset of PTSD “are rare to nonexistent,” asMcNally has
written. Satel proposed to the IOM that veterans not be permitted
to apply for PTSD disability more than five years after the event
triggering their illness.
Third, Satel also argued that PTSD
is an acute—not a chronic—disease and only rarely should there be
a “need to give long-term disability.” PTSD is “easier to treat
early on,” she says. In fact, she argues that long-term disability
is a disincentive to people getting well because they don’t want
to lose benefits. She derides disability compensation as a
“retirement plan” for people who cannot get good jobs.
McNally referenced a few small,
questionable studies and Satel presented her comments as opinion
without citing any data. Their charges were strongly refuted by
the National Center’s Friedman, who cited many studies confirming
delayed onset of PTSD and others showing the validity of veterans’
self-reports of stress incidents. A new study not yet published by
a Columbia University professor also was presented at the meeting
confirming the validity of self-reports. Friedman also cited
studies showing that mental health utilization is actually higher
for people given disability than for those who apply and are
turned down. They “are not taking the money and running,” said
Friedman.
Still, some at VA believe that even
if veterans continue treatment, compensation payments can affect a
person’s desire to get well. VA officials have been grappling for
years with how compensation can be structured so that ill veterans
can focus on getting better without fear of losing benefits. But
unlike many who are raising this issue to set a limit on benefits,
others would like to see a large infusion of money to improve
treatment and training.
Dick McCormick, former chair of
VA’s Committee on Serious Mental Illness, proposes enough money to
insure state-of-the-art treatment nationally and a hefty initial
payment to make sure veterans get therapy and vocational training.
“Then I would have continuation of the money contingent on
continuing to try to stay in treatment.” He says he would rather
err in giving someone who doesn’t deserve compensation the money
rather than not giving it to someone who does.
Despite the motives for initiating
the IOM reports, it’s unclear whether they will satisfy those who
asked for them. IOM committee members did not respond kindly to
Satel, asking many tough and somewhat angry questions about her
opinions. Several members also were upset when they found that the
panel would be discussing diagnostic criteria for PTSD but no one
from the American Psychiatric Association had been invited to
comment. They raised their concerns with committee staff, who
quickly invited APA’s research director.
Whatever the IOM reports say, the
bigger question is how Congress will use them. Some Capitol Hill
staffers concerned about what is happening with veterans benefits
noted there is intense pressure to cut the budget and they will be
watching how Congress reacts to the IOM reports “with raised
skepticism.” IOM has a strong record of not acting with political
bias or limiting benefits for the sake of saving money, said one
staffer, but “we’re very worried about what Congress will do with
these results.”
Even VA officials say the key to how the IOM report affects
benefits will rest with Congress, which determines the
compensation system. VA’s Aument agrees that “there certainly are
a lot of broad public policy questions here,” but wants VA to stay
away from making these kinds of decisions. “Some of those
questions are best left to the public policymakers such as Sen.
Craig.”
Craig’s Senate Veterans’ Affairs Committee will hold hearings this
year and next on these issues, promises a committee spokesman. So
will the House Veterans’ Affairs Committee. Its chair, Rep. Steve
Buyer (R-Ind.), who last year replaced longtime veterans’ advocate
Rep. Chris Smith (R-N.J.) after Smith was ousted by the House
Republican leadership, says on his committee web site that the
prevalence of PTSD in returning troops and the ability of the VA
to care for them will be a major focus of his committee this year.
But his committee will look at not just treatment but the way VA
“goes to diagnose, validate, and compensate” PTSD patients.
Veterans will have a major fight
over the coming months to maintain adequate funding for treatment,
diagnosis, and support for those suffering from serious mental
trauma. While that is going on, veterans’ advocates worry that the
campaign being waged to discredit PTSD will further reinforce the
stigma that exists about acknowledging psychological problems.
This could keep more veterans from getting the care they need and
deserve. That just could be what the PTSD critics want.
|